By Barbara Einhorn; Palgrave Connect (Online service)
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Extra resources for Citizenship in an enlarging Europe : from dream to awakening
3 During the runup to EU accession, for example, the Polish Centre for Women’s Rights stated that ‘Poland has done nothing to adjust its legislation to EU standards in the field of equal status of women and men and that issue is probably the last item on the government priorities list’ (Nowakowska and Piwnik, 2000: 114). Suspicion of top-down statist approaches that was prevalent in the early years of transformation has persisted in some countries and goes some way to explaining the enhanced status of NGO activity in the region as opposed to mainstream political involvement.
Further drafts were submitted in 1997 and 1998. On 4th March 1999, admittedly before the 2001 elections,9 a further draft Equal Status Act met with laughter and derision in the Polish Sejm (Lower House). Prompted by the Parliamentary Group of Women, the Senate (Upper House) presented a new draft to the Sejm in January 2003. At this time, women activists lent the draft bill cautious support despite its shortcomings, out of a conviction that this would ensure the establishment of a permanent office responsible for gender equality issues.
Fraser asserts therefore that in the post-social democratic era ‘it is no longer axiomatic that the modern territorial state is the appropriate unit for thinking about issues of justice, nor that the citizens of such states are the pertinent subjects’ (Fraser, 2005: 3; see also Walby, 2003). Fraser argues that greater social justice can be achieved through transnational solidarity, backed up by supra-national institutions of governance that are in a position to mediate between local (or national) claims and the forces of economic globalization.