By Paul D. Schumaker, Burdett A. Loomis

"Choosing a President" evaluates the Electoral university approach and 6 valid possible choices to it. A crew of 37 political scientists examine the elemental questions that visit the center of the controversy. at the foundation of those deliberations, every one contributor exhibits the level to which she or he helps or opposes the Electoral university and its choices. This name good points: dialogue on how the Electoral collage was once created, developed, and presently works, supplying basic ancient and political wisdom; and a scientific account of present choices to the Electoral collage supplying 3 reforms and 3 attainable replacements. It demonstrates modes of political research: comparing associations and reforms in accordance with their logical consistency with wanted standards, and comparing associations and reforms based on their (likely) outcomes and implications. It is helping enhance scholars' figuring out of political research.

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23. 24. 25. 26. 27. 28. 29. 30. 31. 32. 33. 34. 35. 29 for each state and the District of Columbia. Presumably this number was selected because it was large enough to practically assure victory for the candidate with the most national popular votes. This number may be symbolically important, appearing to be based on federal principles recognizing the role of states while in fact enhancing national principles. Defenders of the Electoral College might dispute this claim, believing that popular state elections have encouraged the selection of many state and local politicians having few qualifications other than their ability to appeal to popular impulses.

In addition to ending the “dual vote” system, the amendment reduced from five to three the number of candidates to be considered for president by the House of Representatives in the absence of electoral majority. If there was no majority for vice president, the 36 choosing a president Senate would choose from the two persons with the highest numbers on the list. The amendment also included provisions for the vice president to act as president if the House has selected no president by 4 March (a provision further clarified by section 3 of the Twentieth Amendment).

24. 25. 26. 27. 28. 29. 30. 31. 32. 33. 34. 35. 29 for each state and the District of Columbia. Presumably this number was selected because it was large enough to practically assure victory for the candidate with the most national popular votes. This number may be symbolically important, appearing to be based on federal principles recognizing the role of states while in fact enhancing national principles. Defenders of the Electoral College might dispute this claim, believing that popular state elections have encouraged the selection of many state and local politicians having few qualifications other than their ability to appeal to popular impulses.

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