By Martine Haak, Rudolf Jong, Professor of Arabic and Islam Kees Versteegh

This quantity brings jointly 22 contributions to the learn of Arabic dialects, from the Maghreb to Iraq through authors, who're all famous for his or her paintings during this box. It underscores the significance of other theoretical methods to the examine of dialects, constructing new frameworks for the learn of version and alter within the dialects, whereas proposing new info on dialects (e.g., of Jaffa, Southern Sinai, Nigeria, South Morocco and Mosul) and cross-dialectal comparisons (e.g., at the female gender and on relative clauses). This assortment is gifted to Manfred Woidich, probably the most eminent students within the box of Arabic dialectology.

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Extra resources for Approaches to Arabic Dialects: A Collection of Articles Presented to Manfred Woidich on the Occasion of His Sixtieth Birthday

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1976–1978. “La syntaxe du verbe en arabe parlé maghrébin”. 211–224. Guironnet, M 1954. “©à- un outil linguistique polyvalent chez les Ulàd Ya'qub des Srà©na”. 425–433.   LÀ- 19 Harrell, Richard. S. 1966. A Dictionary of Moroccan Arabic: Moroccan-English. : Georgetown University Press. Khan, Geoffrey. 2002. “The Neo-Aramaic dialect of the Jews of Rustaqa”. ’: 60. Beiträge zur Semitistik. Festschrift für Otto Jastrow zum 60. Geburtstag, hrsg. von Werner Arnold & Hartmut Bobzin, 395–409.

Corriente (1974:51), starting from the stage where the emphatic voiced lateral fricative was phonemically distinguished from /µ/, outlines a convincing course of events leading to the present situation. These developments can be envisaged as follows: • The system contains /µ/ [µ], and / / [ ]. Given the phonetic complexity associated with the production (and the acquisition) of the lateral fricative, it is reasonable to suggest that it lost its marked phonetic properties, and changed into something else.

It appears that in Biyyàµiy /µ/ is not involved in variation, apart from the cases where [∂] is used invariably in K-forms (de Jong 2000:331–332). The stability of [µ] in comparison with [∆] and [≈] in this dialect is itself an interesting, but, I think, different issue. De Jong (2000:331–332, n. 8) cites examples of other Arabic dialects “. . in which interdentals have developed less predictably . ”, namely 26  - the dialects of Bahrain, Siirt, Àz6x, and B6˙zàni. e. the dialect of Bahrain), labiodental/labiodental/labiodental in Siirt, and sibilant/sibilant/sibilant in Àz6x and B6˙zàni.

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